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ARTICLES - STUDENT PAPERS - PAULA WAGNER |
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Paula Wagner, BA student
Fall/Winter 2000 - IS102
Nick Campion, advisor
The Decline of Astrology
Astrology went into a steep intellectual decline
throughout central Europe in the latter half of the seventeenth century after
its apex in the early fifteenth century Renaissance. Beginning in 1453, astrology met very few barriers
prohibiting its growth; it was an integral part of astronomy, medicine, and
often politics; and with limits, accepted by the church
(to reject it would have meant renouncing the entire inheritance of
classical culture and its popular following). It’s popularity eventually
invited public debate as well as inflammatory press from individuals who
challenged astrology’s credibility; in particular, Pico della Mirandola’s
attack in 1490. Critical thought
had begun, and expanded with the Protestant Reformation in the early 1500’s.
With the loss of Christian unity, individual belief systems began to
shift, from reliance on faith and theory-- to reason and experiential means--
of enriching one’s life. Perhaps
the final link in the gradual process of astrological decline was erosion of
the old cosmology with Galileo’s confirmation by telescope in 1610 of
Copernicus’ (1473-1543) theory of a heliocentric rather than geocentric
universe. By mid to later
seventeenth century, Hermetic wisdom, with it’s gifts of individual thought
and human value, was pushed aside by technological advances and deeper inquiry
into the mechanical and mathematical structure of the universe, and man’s
relation to it. Astrology was
caught in an evolutionary process that commenced during the transitional
period following the Reformation. With
it’s own inner conflicts, it also had to speak to resultant cultural
changes, and began losing support in educational institutions, the
intellectual forum and media, as well as the church.
The factious voice of astrology could not be heard above the collective
intellectual voice, speaking of experimental evidence rather than traditional
theoretical reasoning in late seventeenth century Europe.
Pre-reformation astrology had few detractors more
influential than the Italian scholar and Platonist philosopher, Pico della
Mirandola (1463-1494). Word of
his forthcoming critical attack on astrology in 1490, in his twelve book Disputationes,
inspired astrologers, including his former teacher, Marsilio Ficino
(1433-1499), to defend and reform astrological practice. As a student, Pico
had added to his own study and understanding of the Jewish Kaballah, the
Platonic theory, of a detached, higher universe involving the soul and
intellect, as being superior to and separate from the body which was
considered “weak”.[1] He had, therefore,
constructed “an integrated vision of God and man and the world, … animated
from God…. to man, whose potentialities … were virtually infinite; making
divinity itself seem scarcely beyond [Pico’s] grasp.”[2]
What right then did
man, a mere “earthly” being, a separate reality from his soul, have to use
astrology for the materialistic purpose of foretelling?[3] Pico felt he had to
strongly reject astrological practice that portends man’s actions as an
inevitable result of a higher reality, independent of man’s will. Thus, the
stars, according to Pico, could not influence the physical body, nor could
astrology be used in any form “to discover what is hidden.”[4] Pico’s secondary
arguments, aimed at “confuting astrological procedure”, were more damaging
in discrediting astrological practice than his moral, theoretical arguments
that “negate the influence and function” of the stars.[5] In dealing with the
inaccuracy of astrological predictions, Pico called attention to all the
differing opinions among astrologers and frequent mistakes, which he alleged
were not due to the oft claimed complexity of the science, but rather to the
fact that “the astrologer consults signs that are not signs and examines
causes that are not causes”; and, “if astrologers cannot get the large
things right, how are they to be trusted with the little”.[6] This compelled
well-respected astrologers to come out in defense of astrology before Disputationes’
publication in 1496, and for many years after, thereby creating an era of
astrological reformation. One correspondence relating this was written from
one professional astrologer to another, that author Remo Catani brings to
light, is “…the assertion that the heavens are proof of God’s glory…
sciences such as medicine can be attained only through a knowledge of both
superior and inferior causes…” giving astrology a “privileged position”
in being the “essential link” between both worlds; “hence the constant
need for rigorous observation and technical reform.”[7] This illustrates the
momentum Pico’s attack generated—resulting in a call to astrologers to
clean up their act, as well as a long-standing dialogue on astrological theory
and practice via books, letters, treatises and public forum.
The public controversy and arguments on astrology that
developed with Pico, and extended into the 1520’s, involved not only the “impersonal
battle of ideas dependent on logical demonstration and confutation”, but the
“persuasive tactics” necessary to avoid suspicion from the Catholic church
and the opinions of its followers.[8] Defenders of
astrology repeatedly found themselves addressing the accusations of “barking
theologians” and professing “false avowals of orthodoxy and feigned
submissions to ecclesiastical judgment”[9] in order to avoid being imprisoned or put to death for heresy.
Growing Catholic hostility was becoming a real threat, with papal bulls
in force from 1452-1486 against magic, asserting that any non-Christians were
enemies of the church[10]. This was made
patently evident by the apprehension of noted astrologer, Simon de Phares
(1440-c1499), who was condemned by the Church and jailed shortly after the
death of his employer, the king of France, Charles VIII, in 1498.[11] This vindictive trend
involving the church continued and intensified during the Reformation of early
sixteenth century but, meanwhile, the antidote for Pico’s critical attack
was increased communication among astrologers and reform of astrological
methodology.
An important transformation of individual thought and
ethics, which affected astrological decline, grew from another revolutionary
figure, Martin Luther (1484-1546), who initiated the division of Christianity,
with his attack against the Catholic church in 1517. This period of time in history is referred to as the
Protestant Reformation. This
movement towards “personal
faith rather than adherence to the practices of the church” began when
Luther, an ordained monk, sought relief from his fears of eternal damnation by
reading the Bible.[12]
Was his fear
expressly related to his belief in “a
personal Satan” as postulated by the author of Religion and the Decline
of Magic, Keith Thomas? Then
“Protestantism was a response to a deep conviction of human sin, a sense of
powerlessness in the face of evil”…since, “for Luther the whole world of
visible reality and the flesh belonged to the Devil, the Lord of this world”.[13] Whatever the
underlying cause, Luther did not feel he could be saved by the rituals of the
Catholic Church or monastic life, but found solace upon reading the passage in
the Bible: “He who through faith is righteous shall live” (Romans 1:17)
and others, that gave him the feeling of a direct communion with God.[14] Luther went
head-to-head with the Catholic Church when he posted his ninety-five theses
against the “selling of indulgences”, or ‘buying one’s way to heaven’,
by giving money to the church, attending mass, praying, or performing
charitable acts; a form of bargaining Luther despised, since Catholic doctrine
forewarned that if one did not receive forgiveness for his sins before dying,
he could “writhe in hell eternally” or for an undetermined amount of time
in purgatory.[15] Luther proposed
publicly that one did not need the church to mediate and interpret God’s
words, that individuals could interpret the scripture themselves, and faith
alone would assure salvation; essentially, advancing the “idea of equality”
when he “held that there was no spiritual distinction between the laity and
the clergy.”[16] While Catholic
authorities stalled in addressing Luther’s proclamations, he gained support
and protection politically. From
the time of his posted theses in 1517, until 1520 when the Pope acted, by
issuing a papal bull against Luther, which he burned, he had already promoted
his views, and congregations had been formed for worship.[17]
The Reformation flourished, especially in Germany and
lands furthest from Rome, due to resentment of papal intervention, church
taxes and what was seen as an “opportunity to confiscate church lands” and
release themselves from foreign control.[18] Another proponent of
the Reformation, who extended its growth into Northern Europe and England, was
John Calvin (1509-1564), who preached more complete and rigorous obedience to
God along with pursuit of “social and moral righteousness.”[19] The followers of this
adjunct ideology to Protestantism, eventually known as Puritanism in the
seventeenth century, helped create the Protestant work ethic, associated with
the “capitalist spirit”, “inner self-assurance” and the “self-discipline”
necessary for prosperity.[20] The Reformation then,
was a major turning point toward social change; when individuals were ready to
let go of being told how to think and live, and saw a chance to leave
traditional dogmas behind, and believe in a God that wanted men to take charge
of their lives and move forward. Luther’s revolt began as a quest for faith
and comfort, but with the added Calvinist principles, it became known for
relating spirituality with materialistic pursuit.
Personal values gradually changed as secularism took root following the
Reformation; creativity and individual initiative helped one shape his
destiny. However, the transformational effects of this period on astrology,
papal rule, scientific development and intellectual thought would cover the
next one hundred years.
Just as religious and astrological arguments were
reaching a larger audience, so too were responsive enthusiasts of both
factions, following the Renaissance, when printed material ignited.
Astrological almanacs increased in popularity from 1600, when “over six
hundred different almanacs” were published, to 1659 when astrologer, William
Lilly’s (1602-1681), almanacs were “selling nearly 30,000 a year”.[21] The readers of these
almanacs could cast their own charts by using the astrological tables that
gave the daily positions of the planets, the signs they were in and the
forthcoming “conjunctions and oppositions”.[22] This was a time,
Keith Thomas explains, when most astrologers felt united in portraying a “coherent
and comprehensive system of thought”, as intellectuals were curious, and
seeking “freedom which comes
from self-knowledge”, along with a “desire to reduce things to order, and
a conviction that they had the tools with which to do so”.[23] These almanacs filled
a void for those who were not yet involved in the hard work of the Protestant
ethic and relied on knowing that human temperament and lifetime trials had
purposeful direction and cause, thus perhaps allaying guilt for a family
member’s death or a failed crop.[24] It became a means of understanding or accepting that which man had
no control over, whether a personal loss or an advantage of one’s ability to
succeed in political and worldly events.[25] As late as 1666 and
1708, Thomas relates testimony that the almanacs were consulted for “supposed
influence” in choosing a date for a “republican plot” by soldiers and
checking “events of the year, at home and abroad” for “hunting match”
dates.[26] So post-Reformation
censorship did not prevent the immense popularity of astrological almanacs; in
fact, it increased it’s public allure as Thomas points out…”repression,
unaccompanied by intellectual refutation, did more to foster belief than to
end it.”[27] To explain mistakes
and erroneous prognostications, astrologers often blamed miscalculations, the
intervention of a licenser employed for censorship, or that the analysis of
“natural causes…did not pretend to be able to explain God’s miracles”.
[28]
This unitive voice of astrology was dependent upon the still
scientific entity of divination and the cohesiveness of its members.
Skepticism
of astrological practice surfaced due to the church tightening its grip and
issuing papal bulls, internal astrological divisiveness, and astronomical
discoveries, all competing for a central voice in late seventeenth century
Europe. As inaccuracies in
astrological predictions rose, and tactics to account for them became less
believable, so followed published criticism and discontent. Thomas addresses
the astrologers’ “highly flexible” nature in using a system that was “far
from being exact” and the “judgment and common sense” necessary when no
rules of interpretation were available.
[29]
The public was asking tougher questions, to which some astrologers
thought they must give answers “their customers wanted” in order to stay
in business, despite whether the horoscope indicated it or not; the
consequences of these “less scrupulous practitioners” actions cast a
shadow on the entire profession.
[30]
The practice of using
astrology to recover stolen goods, where a person’s appearance is described
in order to apprehend the culprit, often backfired, as one astrologer lamented
in 1676: “that ‘no man ever yet could force back stolen goods by the help
of astrology only’”, and another recorded: “too many embarrassing
failures”.
[31]
Although this practice of recovering stolen goods had appeared
successful in the past, its popularity began to stimulate competition to see
which side was right, and once doubt was inflected, the entire process became
a dubious one. Lilly, in fact, was “indicted in 1654 for deceitfully taking
money for locating stolen goods”.
[32]
The other tool astrologers often used, the self-fulfilling
prophecy, also created public controversy. When they predicted famine, it
would occur mainly because it compelled anxious farmers to hoard crops, and
indeed scarcity followed; so an astrologer “could rely upon a certain
proportion of his predictions to fulfill themselves simply because they had
been predicted.”
[33]
This led to open
criticism and ridicule of the almanacs’ weather forecasts as being
imprecise, the cause of increased food prices, and arguments that generic
prophesies were not authentic but simply probable outcomes that anyone could
foresee. Astrology remained on firmer ground as long as it stuck to helping
people with their personal problems, but when it engaged in the divinity of
larger, worldly events and prominent political authorities or popes, without
the benefit of accurate horoscopes or congruent augurs of integrity, it lost
footing.
Political predictions were taken seriously due to “its
self-fulfilling character” and arrests could be made on these grounds alone.
[34]
Nicholas Culpepper
(1616-1654), physician and medical astrologer, wrote that the eclipse of 1652
“would bring republicanism to Europe; as well as Lilly’s published remarks
announcing “the permanent downfall of monarchy…urging his readers to buy
confiscated lands” are perfect examples of political entanglement and
invitation to trouble; along with Lilly’s principal competitor, astrologer
John Gadbury (1627-1704), “correctly predicting the death of the Swedish
monarch in 1660”.
[35]
Keith Thomas noted in
Religion and the Decline of Magic: “astrological prediction had long
been associated with conspiracy and rebellion”, and he backs this up with
one critic’s remark: “all malcontents intending any invasive violence
against their prince and country run headlong to his oracle”; the
contribution of the ‘oracle’ being-- the calculation of the “reigning
monarch’s life expectation”. Since
John Gadbury and William Lilly, two of the most popular astrological writers
and almanac publishers of this time, had become arch competitors, as James
Holden notes in A History of Horoscopic Astrology, their frequent
quarrels via print caused astrologers and the populace “to choose up sides”.
Could this have become a matter of one-up-man-ship in gathering private
astrology clients as well as readers, and, therefore, a push towards more
daring and newsworthy prognostications? If
so, it worked toward increasing sales of their almanacs but the flip side was
inciting the animosity of political and papal authorities against the whole of
astrology, and presenting a less coherent voice to the public.
The papal bulls against astrology, issued in 1585 and
1631, were “partly driven by religious qualms and partly by annoyance at
those astrologers who circulated or published predictions about when the
incumbent pope was going to die.
[36]
So the Catholic Church was taking advantage of the contentious
climate among astrologers as well as preventing further loss of its
constituents to astrology, which it was also doing against any denomination
not in complete accordance with its belief system. The Church already had in
place the Inquisition and The Index of Prohibited Books, which promoted
persecution for “unrepentant Protestants” and heretics, that did “succeed
in bringing thousands of people…back into the church”; and censorship,
placing “the works of many leading thinkers on the Index”.
[37]
The Church was basically another competing agency, “offering
rival methods of divination”; however, the Puritans also ”wrote strongly
against astrology” and held the most “sustained opposition to it in
post-Reformation England.
[38]
However, the Catholics, believed that any predictive knowledge the
astrologers professed came directly from the devil, since the devil, they also
believed, did have mystical powers, which previously only witches were accused
of invoking; so the papal bulls allowed astrologers to be condemned on the
same grounds. The aim of the
church was both a counter attack to astrologers’ perceived threat to their
leader, the Pope, and to show authority in protecting its ideology, thereby
preventing further loss of followers. The
clergy saw the “cunning folk and astrologers as their deadly rivals”, not
only because of competition for members, but “ to replace a magical
explanation of misfortune by a theological one”.
[39]
Historically and psychologically, ideology provides “interpretations
and solutions to what is felt to be an unsatisfactory social condition”
serving a “number of ends”, one of which is providing a “tangible enemy”,
a devil, to keep a group within boundaries.
[40]
The Church not only used the devil literally as being an entity
employed by astrologers, but also as the figurative enemy of the church, since
anyone that is not with the church is, therefore, against the church.
Despite its deepening troubles with organized religions and within its
own ranks, astrology maintained its “prestige among many educated persons”
due to its claim to “be a genuinely scientific system”.
[41]
In 1632, Galileo’s confirmation of a heliocentric
universe by telescope was published, continuing and intensifying the
controversy started by Copernicus more than fifty years earlier.
This considerably loosened astrology’s scientific underpinning as
well as focusing the Catholic Church’s animosity toward yet another ‘devil’.
The geocentric Aristotelian cosmology had existed since the fourth
century BC and was adapted to Christian theology by Thomas Aquinas in the
thirteenth century. This was a
universe with earth (and therefore, man) at its center, surrounded by
revolving, translucent spheres to which were attached the sun and the planets;
the stars were beyond this in an outer sphere, closest to God. This was a
finite, orderly universe that fit perfectly into the minds of man and gave a
secure feeling of belonging to the whole or oneness of God’s plan.
[42]
The study of a
mathematical universe had been revived during the Renaissance and appealed to
the astronomer and mathematician, Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543), who found
the Ptolemaic system “complex” and offensive to his “sense of
mathematical order”, which led him to remove the earth from the center.
[43]
His theory was not observable until the invention of the telescope
by Galileo Galilei (1564-1642) in 1610, which broke with Aristotle’s
universe of perfection since Galileo discovered the planets were not perfect
and unchangeable, but were as imperfect as the earth, so the universe was one,
not two separate worlds.
[44]
Galileo contributed
to the development of the scientific method by studying nature and motion and
declaring that knowledge “should be derived from direct observation and from
mathematics”;
[45]
experimentation then became the method for discovering the facts
of nature. Because Galileo supported the Copernican theory, and stood up to
the church in doing so, he was “condemned by the Inquisition” and “forbidden
to write on Copernicanism” again, and both his book and Copernicus’ were
added to the Index of Prohibited Books.
[46]
The sense of security provided by traditional cosmology and
therefore, astrology and its hermetic wisdom, diminished, leaving a rift to be
filled with solid answers to this new infinite universe.
Resolutions about this boundless universe, began
appearing as the scientific method developed, from mathematics to deductive
and inductive reasoning, and became important ways to serve humanity in later
seventeenth century. Astronomers, who were also astrologers, did not want to
abandon astrology, but made a “determined effort to bring the subject up to
date” during the mid-seventeenth century.
[47]
There were also those who felt Galileo had indeed “overthrown
all astrology”, but Francis Bacon (1561-1626), an influential teacher of the
scientific method and inductive reasoning, was one who wanted to clean up
astrology rather than destroy it. According to Jim Tester, Bacon recorded his
objections to astrology thus: “I do not hesitate to reject as idle
superstition the doctrine of horoscopes…houses…elections, inquiries, and
the like frivolities…nothing sure or solid, and are plainly refuted and
convicted by physical reasons.”
[48]
He allowed, however, that astrology had merit over natural events,
“let the greater revolutions be retained…” on “masses, large numbers,
rather than individuals”, but “smaller revolutions of horoscopes and
houses be dismissed.”
[49]
Perhaps Bacon had been influenced by Pico’s beliefs, as
presented in his Disputantes, printed one hundred years earlier, and
still studied.
Bacon envisioned a different astrology, one that dealt with
the influence of the celestial bodies acting “by those rules laid down
above, and not otherwise”, (which seems to follow the Platonic theory of
cosmology, of God’s plan for earthly events, yet without confidence in man’s
interpretation of His plan), …but “other influences besides heat and light”
that “lie concealed in the depth of Physic, and require a longer
dissertation”
[50]
. Although Bacon didn’t like the occult aspect of astrology, he
seems to infer that the hidden knowledge needs inspection, experimentation and
discussion. Anything to do with medical research or agriculture was
reasonable, but needed further research; however, the practice of divination
was not, due to insufficient and verifiable evidence. Bacon spoke out for
leaving “old authorities”,
[51]
and for complete autonomy where science was concerned, without
religion or astrologers impeding its progress.
His inductive method involved the “careful observation of nature and
the systematic accumulation of data; drawing general laws from the knowledge
of particulars; and testing these laws through constant experimentation”,
thereby utilizing “nature for human advantage”…and improving “the
quality of human life by advancing commerce, industry, and agriculture”.
[52]
Thus astrology could be useful for these large advances, perhaps,
after more study; however, not done secretly, but in the open for criticism
and public scrutiny.
The deductive method of inquiry was another approach to
knowledge, espoused by Rene Descartes (1596-1650), in his Discourse on
Method published in 1637, contributing greatly to people’s awareness “of
their capacity to comprehend the world through their own mental powers”.
[53]
This was a rational
approach to the philosophy of attaining truth, whereas Bacon’s was an
empirical system. Descartes
called for “the individual to question and if necessary to overthrow all
traditional beliefs” for absolution of doubt in knowing one truth, starting
with “his dictum ‘I think therefore I am’”.
[54]
The deductive method
was based on mathematics, which Descartes believed to be the only certain
route to truth; and he applied this “mathematical reasoning to philosophical
problems”, such as comprehension of “human existence”, which would be
deduced from known mathematical principles, “then deducing other truths from
it through logical reasoning”.
[55]
Attention was being drawn irrevocably toward freedom of the mind,
and away from any practice requiring outdated processes or traditional
thought. The attempts to reconcile astrology with the new science were
unsuccessful, since scientific advantages were being actualized by
technological innovations in agriculture, commerce and medicine, and
astronomical contributions to astrology diminished to this end.
Even with the advancement of more accurate astronomical
tables by the well-known astronomer, mathematician and astrologer, Johannes
Kepler (1571-1630),
[56]
astrology lost its voice in scientific, educational and
intellectual forums. Kepler
published his astrological findings from 1602 in The More Certain
Fundamentals of Astrology, to 1627 with his “major work” ‘Rudolphine
Tables’.
[57]
These tables, based on his observations and mathematics, allowed
astrologers to form more accurate predictions. One of his major astronomical
discoveries was that planets traveled at various speeds in elliptical orbits
rather than constant speeds in circular orbits, which allowed him to “construct
the first set of astronomical tables to give reasonably accurate positions for
the Sun and the planets”.
[58]
It wasn’t until the
discovery of the gravitational theory, by Newton in 1687, that the moon’s
position could be completely certain, but Kepler made important practical
additions to astrology such as planetary aspects and progressions, and
reformed astrological technique because of his thorough investigation into the
science of the stars.
[59]
Universities with chairs of astrology in Paris, Padua,
Bologna and Florence in the sixteenth century were being lost by the late
seventeenth century, as the subject of astrologia was disappearing from the
study of medicine and astronomy. With
the advances in anatomy and physiology being directly related to empirical
observations and experimentation, by surgical intervention and autopsies, the
need for astrology in medicine became less, as it was deemed unscientific or
unverifiable in comparison.
[60]
With astrology being “deprived of its educated underpinning”,
and the “world of learning” changing
[61]
and advancing one’s understanding of how the universe operates,
it follows that the intellectual movement also changed direction, toward
disregarding the old beliefs in problem solving, to new provable outcomes.
The full significance of the new cosmology was not fully
realized by everyone during this transitional period; people did not
necessarily understand how or why magic did nor didn’t work in the past any
more than they realized how to explain the new “underlying scientific
rationale” of the latest discoveries.
[62]
However, “intellectual
prestige” naturally shifted as Thomas explains, under “society’s
constant pressure towards intellectual conformity”; so the discovery of new
‘truths’ might have relied solely “…on
the authority of others” or, upon new and “ more stable intellectual
foundation, based on the mechanical philosophy".
[63]
Either way, the
populace did feel they had some measure of control over their environment, as
evidenced by modern agricultural equipment for production of food in larger
quantities, leading to larger profit margins for spending, and the
availability of goods with improved shipbuilding and trade routes.
[64]
When technology
equals economic growth, as it did during the late seventeenth century, and
advertisement of lost property via the newspaper is possible, and life is
significantly enriched by banking, land ownership and materialistic gain, its
no wonder problems were brought to local gathering spots or the newspapers
rather than astrologers.
[65]
Astrology gradually lost collective support in Europe,
as its theoretical foundation and wisdom no longer fit it with the
heliocentric cosmology and the new scientific methods of empirical observation
and mathematical deductive reasoning; and new values replaced the old which
were based on the traditional geocentric cosmology.
The confusion and discordant resonance started with astrological
polemics in 1490 and blended with the Reformation’s influence toward
individual self-assurance, equality and expectations of a better future,
culminating with technological innovation. Although, it is possible, the
characteristics of this transformation started back in the fourth century BC,
with Socrates’ premise that humanity requires exchange of viewpoints
[66]
for universal knowledge to evolve, thus inspiring intellectual
sophistication of thought and reasoning to be shared, in order to discard
seemingly worn and dysfunctional systems. As cumulative voices rose in
disharmony from competing religious leaders and scholars about the merits of
their beliefs, in claiming truth, over those of astrology, and were further
magnified by the media, it is easy to understand how difficult it was for
astrology to retain its voice of credibility, let alone prosper. A period of
silence becomes, albeit reluctantly, the inevitable result and perhaps the
only means of restoring a coherent, authoritative voice. Even with many
educated people knowing the absolute value of astrology in realizing human
potential and worldly events, keeping it viable during this period of
astrological adjustment was not likely, with the intellectual majority’s
changing mindset, espousing new, creative ideas and modern styles of accruing
knowledge of the world, particularly in academic arenas. So even though the
astrological premise of humans receiving divine guidance through the influence
of the planetary spheres had been a very believable and important part of
peoples' lives for many years, its practical use was built upon a faulty
mechanical foundation, with no immediate means to verify its true value.
Intellectuals, the people interested in new ideas, the academics and
scholars, who promulgated their thoughts by publication, open discussion and
teaching, were very influential; and their lack of approval for the current
astrological practice lead to the conveyance of social censure in seeking the
guidance of astrologers. Although the sale of almanacs continued to prosper
beyond the seventeenth century, the astrological practice of casting
horoscopes withered due to this changing societal attitude.
Maintaining justification for astrology then, became a formidable task,
after the success of experimental methods toward advancement of technology and
medicine, and the questionable practices of many astrologers, even with some
of the best astronomers in their league. Once separated from science, the pace
of dynamic cultural change along with technological innovation, was a
prohibitive factor in any reconciliation effort of astrology with its former
peers in the scientific field. This
does not discount the many other factors contributing to the decline of
astrology, from post Renaissance to the end of the seventeenth century; in
fact, they all contributed to this point in history when the factious voice of
astrology could not be heard above the collective intellectual voice, speaking
of experimental evidence rather than traditional theoretical reasoning.
Endnotes
[1]
Jim Tester, A History of Western Astrology, (Woodbridge,
Suffolk: The Boydell Press), 1996, 208
[5]
Remo Catani, The Polemics on Astrology 1489-1524, Culture and
Cosmos, Vo. 3 no 2, Autumn/Winter 1999
[10]
Steve Newcomb, Five Hundred Years of Injustice: The Legacy of
Fifteenth Century Religious Predjudice, Internet, 2/15/01
[11]
James Holden, A history of Horoscopic Astrology, From the
Babylonian Period to the Modern Age, (Tempe, Az: American Federation of
Astrologers, Inc., 1996), 151-152
[12]
Marvin Perry, Western Civilization, A Brief History,
Third Edition, Vol. I to 1789, Patricia A. Coryell Sr. Editor, Jeffrey
Greene Sr. Assoc. Editor, (Boston, Ma.: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997), 228-229
[13]
Keith Thomas, Religion And The Decline of Magic, (Oxford
University Press, New York, 1971), 470
[38]
Keith Thomas, 363, 367
[40]
James W. Vander Zanden, Social Psychology, Second
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This paper is copyright © 2001
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